Slanders in a Sentence: The Weekly Bolshevik vs. the KPRF

Note: KPRF is the transliterated acronym of Kommunisticheskaya Partiya Rossiiskoi Federatsii. KPRF and CPRF are interchangeable acronyms. 

On September 13, 2013, The Weekly Bolshevik published a short article entitled Personal Observations on the Nature and Function of the Vanguard Party. For all of its valuable theoretical points on the subject indicated in the title, the article was most notably and disappointingly tainted by an unwarranted, untenable, and ridiculous denunciation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In merely a sentence, the KPRF was written off as a party of “nostalgic pensioners, homophobes and, quite frankly, the worst type of tankies”, and was declared guilty of being “the worst offender” when it comes to a vanguard party being divorced from the masses and suffering from ideological disarmament. The accusations continued with the KPRF being called “an inorganic cut-and-paste of the revisionist CPSU” guilty of “the catastrophic adoption of parliamentary social democracy,” and were crowned with what was most likely intended to be an elegant and intelligent-sounding conclusion: “No matter what the intentions of the KPRF are, pensioners, tanky students and ultra-nationalists with a hammer and sickle on their lapel a revolution does not make.”

The publishing of the above-mentioned article is a disappointing blunder, a characteristically un-Marxist-Leninist move on the record of what is otherwise a decent Marxist-Leninist blog. Not only must the article be held accountable for peddling gross slanders worthy of Trotskyite blessing, but the serious theoretical failure underlying the article’s rejection of the KPRF’s political program deserves equally uncompromising treatment.

To start with, the article’s brief “appraisal” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as being a party of mere nostalgic pensioners, homophobes, tankies, and ultra-nationalists is an unfounded slander and exaggeration. Of the estimated 156,528 full members of the Party and the approximately 21,000 youth members of the Leninist Komsomol, the number of those comrades who may be termed mere “nostalgic pensioners” does not figure prominently. Those members who are pensioners who make up a crucial part of the Party are no such nostalgic fellow travellers. At the 15th Party Congress in March, 2013, Chairman Zyuganov provided a summation of the quality of the Party’s membership:

“Today about 12% of CPRF members are representatives of the working class. More than 7% are rural workers. We are aware that their share in party ranks is obviously not sufficient. The country has 73 million hired workers, 40 million are employed in various industries, construction, on transport and in agriculture. To strengthen the party’s influence in the workers’ midst, the number of communists in production collectives must increase several times. The media, pampered by the authorities, have for 20 years been working to impress it upon the masses that the CPRF is a “party of the past”, “a party of elderly people”. The vile emotional implication of these descriptions is a continuation of the 1990s policy of undisguised genocide with regard to the older generations of Soviet citizens. It is not by chance that one of our “Young Democrats” recently said: ‘Our aim is to eradicate all things Soviet together with the pensioners who are dying out.’

“Yes, more than 44% of our party are people who have earned a pension by their labor. Many of them continue to work in production and in the services. Pensioners account for more than a third of the population in many small towns and villages across Russia. Even on the most optimistic estimate provided by Rosstat, elderly people will account for 40% of the country’s population by 2040. For us Communists labour veterans are custodians of social experience, wisdom and the best cultural traditions. It is a multimillion stratum of people many of whom are highly active socially. We have every reason not only to be proud of having their support, but to work to broaden this support. 34.4% of the CPRF members are women whose contribution to the struggle for the interests of working people has been recognized by their fellow party members. Many of them are members of the leadership of party organizations. The increased role of women in party building is an important area of our organizational and personnel policy. Party committees should keep this in mind.

“The recent years have seen an increase of the number of CPRF members aged under 30. Their share has reached 10% of the total party membership. As of January 1, 2013 there were 16,000 of them. The party branches in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, Moscow, Novosibirsk, Oryol, Tula and Sverdlovsk Region have noticeably stepped up their work among students.”

But regardless, what precisely is this “categorization” flung about by The Weekly Bolshevik if not an insult to those elder comrades who have remained committed to socialism and have translated their commitment, and indeed perhaps nostalgia, into practical struggle in support of or even as cadres of the Party? Who would dare condemn comrades, especially those thousands who are respectable veterans of the Great Patriotic War, on the basis of their age? And is The Weekly Bolshevik really so ignorant of conditions in Russia (despite the fact that it ventures to make judgements) that it is unaware of the fact that pensioners are none other than former Soviet citizens who have been hit among the hardest by the disastrous restoration of capitalism in Russia?

The Weekly Bolshevik unashamedly dares to attempt to discredit the KPRF on the basis of discriminating against elder comrades. It is not at all taken into account that older citizens have been deprived of the secure livelihood in old age that was provided for them by the Soviet system, and that on this basis many pensioners have been confronted with the disaster of the restoration of capitalism on more grounds than just nostalgia for the Soviet past. The current capitalist system in Russia disgraces and leaves in poverty millions of elderly people who once contributed to the building of socialism in the Soviet Union, who once fought for the defense of the Soviet motherland and the liberation of Europe from fascists. Many pensioners, left hungry, cold, and without living pensions have turned to the Party and the cause with a renewed commitment to socialism.

Are these grandfathers and grandmothers of the working class, and indeed former members of the Soviet working class not worthy members of the Party, teachers of the young, or equal comrades in the struggle for socialism? Only the most pitiful and pathetic Marxist could dare discriminate against comrades based on age, and much less judge the entire Communist Party on this basis.

Unfortunately, The Weekly Bolshevik does not stop there. The next accusation brought up in line is that of the KPRF being “homophobic.” This is a gross exaggeration, slander, and uncomradely approach of criticism. The KPRF does indeed maintain the questionable stance that homosexuality is a result of degenerate and decadent capitalist culture and that homosexuals are therefore representatives of capitalist immorality, but this position is not unique to the KPRF. Although the Soviet Union was the first modern state to legalize homosexuality, homoesexuality was persecuted in several Soviet republics in the 1920’s under the banner of struggling against “uncivilized” culture, and was finally recriminalized according to the Soviet constitution in 1933 for being supposedly connected with pedophilia and the degenerate culture of fascism and aristocracy.

The communist movement and socialist states have long been troubled over the controversy of gay rights, the LGBTQ struggle, and views of the material sources of alternative sexual orientation. As recently as 2010, Fidel Castro expressed self-criticism on behalf of the Communist Party of Cuba’s incorrect repression of LGBTQ people and Cuba has since granted equal rights to LGBTQ citizens. The point is that not only the KPRF, but many other parties and socialist states have taken mistaken positions on homosexuality. Today, instead of realizing that the LGBTQ liberation struggle in Russia is a potential ally and front in the struggle against the bourgeois state, the KPRF has instead consistently voted in compliance with the Russian state’s anti-gay laws and repressions.

The true communist way to approach the KPRF on the matter does not lie in denouncing the Party and its members as homophobic and then wiping one’s hands in supposed success, but instead means engaging in comradely dialogue and criticism. Unfortunately, The Weekly Bolshevik has chosen the former approach.

As for the accusation of the KPRF comprising “tankies of the worst type,” little needs to be said. In the modern communist movement, “tankie” pejoratively connotes a communist who has supposed disregard for principled Marxist-Leninist theory or practice and instead generously and carelessly supports any and every socialist country or communist party and its actions. Historically, the term evolved as an insult towards those who supported Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 (the “tankies” sent in the tanks) and supported Soviet actions to the hilt simply for the sake of loyalty and unity. The Weekly Bolshevik’s use of the word is intended as a condemnation of the KPRF and its members for a supposed unprincipled or uncritical view of the experience of socialism in the Soviet Union and in other socialist countries. This accusation is based on mere ignorance, as the KPRF has critically assessed the triumphs, failures, problems, and achievements of Soviet socialism and the CPSU, has resolved to draw lessons in order to prepare for a “developed and mature form of socialism,” and has also critically absorbed the experiences of socialism in other countries while still maintaining unity on the basis of proletarian internationalism. Perhaps The Weekly Bolshevik should refrain from speaking without preliminary investigation and should instead turn to  research and study of the abundance of articles, documents, and reports available on the Party’s website, in Pravda, and on KPRF Television which present the KPRF’s analyses of historical and contemporary actually existing socialism. Toilers’ Struggle is more than willing to aid in translation and discussion.

Aside from these petty hatchet-job slanders, however, the essential problem and fundamental transgression of Personal Observations on the Nature and Function of the Vanguard Party lies in its misunderstanding, distortion, and rejection of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation’s program. Instead of analyzing the context, conditions, tenets, and visible successes of the KPRF’s current program, The Weekly Bolshevik instead resorts to complaints of “parliamentary social democracy” and “ultra-nationalism.” These accusations are irreconcilable with the realizations yielded by an historical and dialectical materialist analysis of the conditions facing the communist movement in the Russian Federation and the real substance and implications of the Party’s program and political struggle. In order to prove fallacious the claims of The Weekly Bolshevik, it is necessary to recapitulate the political program of the KPRF, review the realistic circumstances and context of the Party’s strategy, and briefly examine various results indicative of the actual value of the Party’s present orientation. The Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Political Report of the Presidium of the Central Committee to the 15th Congress are the most instructive documents in this regard.

The value and correctness of the KPRF’s political program lies in its firm application of the scientifically validated theses of Marxism-Leninism in accordance with the concrete conditions and circumstances facing social revolution in the Russian Federation. The KPRF has made a thorough and sober analysis of the socio-economic and political conditions of Russia, has surveyed the balance and arrangement of class forces, and has pinpointed the objective and subjective factors involved in the struggle for the reconstitution of Russian society along the lines of socialist transformation. In elucidating and developing a dynamic political program which can give orientation to the Party’s work towards this end, the KPRF has absorbed and critically refined the advanced theoretical and practical arsenal of Marxism-Leninism, has made crucial historical and contemporary analyses, and has derived summations and lessons therein in order to formulate the most viable course of action for the communist movement.

The KPRF has resolved that in the present state of conditions, the most useful and important focus of the Party is working towards amassing a movement and acquiring political leverage for the replacement of the current government of United Russia with a government of national, or popular trust (Правительство народного доверия). The government of popular trust will consist of a left-patriotic coalition under the leadership of the Communist Party which will carry out an anti-crisis package comprising political, economic, and social reforms. The KPRF has worked out the specifics of its proposed policies and government down to the individual laws, budget logistics, etc. to the point that Chairman Zyuganov boldly declared on behalf of the Central Committee at the Party’s 15th Congress that “The CPRF is ready to assume the responsibility of the country.” The New Economic Policy of the government of popular trust includes the nationalization of key industries, a comprehensive technological modernization program, agricultural revival, banking and financial reform, taxation reform, etc. as well as the restoration of such social guarantees as housing, education, and healthcare. New policies concerning international relations and national security will end Russia’s compromise with and capitulation to Western imperialism, and political reforms aimed at institutionalizing, broadening, and enhancing “people’s power” (народовластие) will be carried out in conjunction with a relentless struggle against corruption.

In short, the essential purpose of the government of national trust is the reversal of the disastrous course of Yeltsinist Russia, and the institution of crucial reforms necessary to saving Russia from capitalist crisis and drastically improving the lot and power of working people at the expense of the oligarchs and big capital. Such is the immediate focus and aim of the Communist Party’s program.

But, the reader may ask, how is this a possible and realistic goal and how does the attainment of the government of popular trust give impetus to the process of socialist transformation? The KPRF has provided succinct answers.

First of all, the Party has pointed to the profound reality that the restoration of capitalism in Russia resulted not only in social regression but also in national regression and decline. Essentially, the transfer of power from the proletariat to the weak and feeble bourgeoisie, largely groomed and supported by the West, has brought, in the wake of the bourgeoisie’s policies, degradation of the independent national economy, the decline and disgrace of Russian culture and Russia’s many cultural and scientific achievements of the Soviet era, and the traitorous selling out of real national security and independent foreign policy.

In view of this, the patriotic movement, as a broad movement with representatives from different classes centered around the revival of Russian culture, national integrity, and independence is a viable and important ally of the Party.

One of the crucial tasks of a party is, in examining the concrete conditions in which it must apply Marxism-Leninism and elucidate a path of struggle, discern those allies which are valuable to building a movement capable of challenging bourgeois power. The proletariat must, as the vanguard revolutionary class, unite the broadest strata of the population around shared demands and interests. In Russia, the patriotic movement is precisely such an ally of the KPRF. An alliance with the patriotic movement not only exposes the sham, hypocritical patriotism and comprador nature of many elements of the current regime but also situates the KPRF in a broad spectrum of popular support in which the Party works to disseminate the reality that genuine national independence can only be achieved through socialism.

Moreover, the unique feature of much of the Russian patriotic movement is that, because Russia was at its historically strongest national integrity when it was Soviet and socialist, many Russian patriots have come to support socialism and the KPRF from the angle of reviving Soviet era Russia. The KPRF has been the vanguard in upholding the national interests of Russia against Western imperialism in every case in which United Russia capitulates, compromises, or dares only to do the bare minimum for Russia on the international arena.

The KPRF has worked to seize the opportunity to agitate, educate, and organize around the reality that the national liberation struggle of Russia today merges with the struggle for socialism and soviet power. The KPRF has worked to rally around itself on the streets and in government all those patriots anguished by the humiliation of the country’s sovereignty and strength by the new regime, and prove that, in the short term, the government of popular trust is the answer and, in the long run, only socialism can save Russia from the degeneration and betrayal of the rule of the bourgeoisie. On behalf of the Central Committee, Chairman Zyuganov said a number of important things on this matter to the 15th Congress:

“The CPRF has countered the authorities’ attempts to pose as the champions of the interests of all Russians with purposeful work to unite popular-patriotic forces. The party supports the initiatives of creating the People’s Volunteer Army and Russky Lad. The People’s Volunteer Army project was successfully implemented during the Duma elections helping to mobilize supporters of the CPRF programme. The Russky Lad movement is growing and its future, in our opinion, lies in active cooperation among various sections of the patriotic movement.

“One of the programmatic tasks of the CPRF is to bring about a merger of the social class and national liberation struggles. It is becoming increasingly clear that only the largest classes in society – workers and peasants –reflect general national interests. They, together with the working intelligentsia, constitute the proletariat in the broadest sense of the word. At the stage of globalism Stalin’s words take on added relevance: ‘Formerly the bourgeoisie was considered to be the leader of the nation, it was upholding the rights and independence of the nation putting them ‘above all’. Now not a trace of that ‘national principle’ remains. Now the bourgeoisie sells the rights and independence of nations for dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty has been thrown overboard. There is no doubt that you, the representatives of communist and democratic parties, will have to lift that banner and carry it forward if you want to be the patriots of your country, if you want to be the leading force of the nation. Nobody else can lift it.’…

“The CPRF is convinced that the solution of the national tasks of Russia, its liberation from foreign diktat, restoration of sovereignty and independence depend directly on the active struggle of the working people for free labour, a just society and genuine people’s rule, the struggle for socialism.”

Lenin taught that communists must be able to analyze a situation in order to know which link in the chain to grasp so that the whole chain may be swung. The popular sentiment of Russian patriotism, lent revolutionary qualities given its Soviet heritage and its antagonism to Western imperialism and the regime in power, is a crucial link in the chain which the KPRF is grabbing in order to swing the whole chain, in order to rally millions of people around the Party and, ultimately, the cause of socialism. On these grounds, the left-patriotic front is a viable and powerful social force conditioned by the present circumstances of class and national struggle in the Russian Federation.

Secondly, the conditions of political power in Russia provide significant opportunities for the Party to expand its popularity and practical political capacity. The essential reason for this reality lies in the politically weak character of the Russian bourgeoisie and the Bonapartist nature of the bourgeois state in Russia, both which allow for the maximum use of the electoral arena to broaden and deepen the KPRF’s positions of state power, those of the left-patriotic front, and at the same time to expose the falsity of bourgeois democracy whenever the Bonapartist regime musters enough unity and strength to falsify elections in favor of United Russia. At the 15th Congress, Chairman Zyuganov illuminated the KPRF’s analysis of political realities of Bonapartism in the Russian Federation:

“The class that rules Russia today arose as a result of the anti-Soviet coup of 1991-1993. It is a symbiosis of corrupt bureaucracy, speculative capital and organized crime. During the Yeltsin period it was more or less an alliance of equals, with each having its slice of the cake in plundering the property of the whole people. With the advent of Putin the terms of the tacit agreement within the ruling class were “corrected”. The bureaucracy, mobilizing the potential of the special services, has gained ascendancy over the two other allies. The bureaucratic elite and big capital formed a single oligarchy bonded together by a multitude of threads.

“Marxism attributes the emergence of such Bonapartist regimes to weakness and mutual debilitation of the main classes of bourgeois society. As a result bureaucracy is vested with special powers and is able to build a rigid “vertical power structure”. In Russia there was yet another circumstance: the fact that the weakening of the country’s economic unity was compensated for by the strengthening of the “unity of bureaucrats”.

“The political essence of Bonapartism is maneuvering. Maneuvering between the oligarchs by supporting some and jailing others, maneuvering between different groups of the bourgeoisie. Finally, maneuvering between the exploiters and the exploited. There is a continuous game with various political scenarios in the liberal framework: either the utterly corrupt liberalism of the oligarchs or a Pinochet-style liberal dictatorship or an “orange revolution” staged by the liberal forces.

 “In a certain sense this is Bonapartism turned inside out. The essence of classical Bonapartism is to try to dampen internal conflicts through foreign policy expansion and all sorts of adventures. The modern-day Russian analogue behaves differently. Because it is surrendering its geopolitical positions and toeing the Washington line in politics it is unable to solve internal problems by increased external activity. A minor exception was the “little victorious” war against Georgia. On the whole Russian Bonapartism tends to drive the social conflict deeper into the system.”

While using to the utmost extent possible the electoral arena to put KPRF candidates in government, the Party has maintained no illusions and has openly pointed to the falsity of bourgeois democracy. Zyuganov declared on behalf of the Party at the 15th Congress:

“We Communists are well aware of the hypocrisy of the present electoral system. Bourgeois democracy as a vehicle of the people’s will and people’s power exhausted itself in the first third of the 20th century. Joseph Stalin provided a pithy description of that phenomenon at the 19th Congress of the CPSU: ‘The banner of bourgeois-democratic freedoms has been thrown overboard. I believe that you, the representatives of Communist and democratic parties, will have to pick up that banner and carry it forward if you want to rally around you the majority of the people. There is no one else to lift it up’.”

Electoral successes have indeed proved to be huge advances for the KPRF in promoting socialism, exposing the failures of bourgeois democracy in general and the present Russian government in particular, and in playing an increasingly considerable role in the political administration and legislation of Russia – that is, a role in representing working people in present political affairs. The KPRF has grown to be the second most powerful political party in Russia. 92 out of the 450 seats of the State Duma belong to the Party – that is, the KPRF is second only to the ruling United Russia which employs all shapes and forms of fraud, corruption, and deceit in order to maintain its proportion of seats. The KPRF has an active legislative presence in 79 constituent entities within the Russian Federation, ranging from regional parliaments to republican state councils, this number having increased by three-fold in only the last eight years. Laws of all sorts which improve the lot of working people are constantly being proposed by KPRF deputies.

But, the honest comrade may ask, isn’t this electoral activity rendering the Party dependent on the bourgeois democratic system, emasculating the Party’s ideological work, and resulting in an overall “bourgeoisification” of the Party? The answer, judging by undeniable facts, is simply “no.” First of all, the Party’s financial and material resources have improved substantially thanks to increasing membership as a result of political strength, capacity, and the effective ideological work of the Party, including the disseminating of its program in the spotlight of the electoral arena. Membership dues and parliamentary salaries have allowed the Party to open permanent printing shops and Party offices, fund political initiatives, acquire motor vehicles, increase the number of full-time Party workers, open Party schools, fund the maintenance of an appealing and effective website and TV station, and afford other effective propagandistic materials, technologies, and platforms, maintain a professional soccer team, hold numerous events, sponsor collective farms, etc., etc.

Moreover, the KPRF’s deputies maintain close links with the masses of working people, their constituents, through organized open meetings of criticism, review, and feedback. KPRF deputies are put on the spot to answering questions, concerns, and discussing political issues with regular voters. Such initiatives should affirm and recall the prescient and profound words of Stalin in 1937: “I think that the Bolsheviks remind us of the hero of Greek mythology, Antaeus. They, like Antaeus, are strong because they maintain connection with their mother, the masses who gave birth to them, suckled them and reared them. And as long as they maintain connection with their mother, with the people, they have every chance of remaining invincible.”

From Chairman Zyuganov blasting the State Duma for the regime’s failures on all fronts of national security to Vice-Chairman Melnikov’s mayoral campaign in Moscow around the incompetence of United Russia to the Party’s current work among students in the face of the looming Academy of Science reform, the KPRF has a loud and unavoidable voice in politics. But what is most significant is that the Party does not stop halfway at political proposals, legislative activism, and electoral campaigning. The KPRF, as a vanguard communist party, has the responsibility of educating, agitating, and organizing working people and their allies around present struggles and politics in the interest of connecting these immediate battles to the war for socialism at large. The value of the Party’s current work is that it is accomplishing such crucial ideological dissemination with credit.

The Party has dedicated a considerable amount of time, resources, brainpower, and propaganda towards analyzing and drawing lessons from the Soviet experience, the experiences of socialism in other countries, and in doing so putting forth a vision of socialism for the 21st century. The KPRF’s propaganda workers, schools, and Party leaders are constantly working for a better systematization and presentation of these analyses for the purposes of education and ideological development. In doing so, the Party has studied, applied, enriched, and creatively developed Marxism-Leninism as the scientifically deduced ideology of working and oppressed people’s emancipation. This socialist vision resonates in the Party’s discourse on current issues and distinguishes the KPRF from other left forces.

In all of the current work for the promotion and materialization of the government of popular trust, socialism, and indeed communism in the long run, is far from played down or lost from sight. As elaborated in the Party’s program, the government of popular trust is an integral step towards socialism, and an essential component in the Party’s long term conception of the course of socialist transformation of Russia. The Party’s program presents a broad overview of the course of development comprising three stages in the reconstitution of Russia along socialist lines:

“Stage 1. The main task at this stage is to establish the democratic rule of the working people and the broad patriotic forces led by the CPRF. The Communists organize the popular masses in the struggle for their social, economic and political interests. They lead the manifestations of working people, veterans and young people in defense of their legitimate rights. The Party seeks to create conditions for fair elections of all the bodies of power and to form a government of popular trust. Getting hold of the levers of power will enable them to eliminate the catastrophic consequences of “reforms”, restoring the main political and social-economic rights of citizens, bringing back to the people and putting under state control the ownership of unlawfully appropriated basic production assets. Nationalization will create a solid economic basis for further transformations. An end will be put to the plunder of small goods providers by big capital, bureaucrats and mafia groups.

“Representative bodies of power and the government will ensure the country’s security and independence. They will create guarantees against the attempts of the architects of the “new world order” to grab the natural wealth and the production base of Russia. They will do everything to promote the economic and political reintegration of the Republics of the criminally dismembered Soviet Union.

“The CPRF will actively revive and develop direct rule by the people: the local Soviets of People’s Deputies, the councils of work collectives, committees of self-government, self organization and self-defense. They will support the introduction of worker control over the executive and representative branches. The issue of fully restoring the Soviet system of state power will be put to a referendum.

“Stage 2. After political and economic stability is achieved the CPRF will take the necessary measures to ensure broader participation of working people in running the state. This should be done through the Soviets, the trade unions, workers’ self-government and other organs of direct rule by the people generated in the course of day-to-day practice.

“In the economy, the leading role of the socialist forms of management which are the most effective in ensuring the well-being of the people will be clearly manifested. At that stage the diversity of economic models will still be preserved because of the level of development of production forces. After taking in their hands the natural wealth and strategic production sectors the state will put in place the planning of the main economic indicators. It will form a fully-fledged budget and will become the main contractor for products of domestic enterprises. The people’s government will make active use of planning and market mechanisms to regulate the development of the economy and the social sphere. Agricultural production will enjoy state support. The notorious “price gap” between agricultural and industrial products, the plunder of agriculture and its workers will be liquidated. The party believes that the resurgence of agriculture should be driven by large enterprises which combine production, processing and marketing of agricultural produce. The living standards of the people will grow steadily.

“Stage 3. Its content will be vigorous work to complete the formation of socialist social relations, ensure sustained development of the socialist system on its own basis. Public forms of ownership of the main means of production will predominate. As the real level of socialization of labour and production rises its crucial role in the economy will gradually be consolidated. The role of science as a direct productive force in society will manifest itself more strongly. On the basis of the achievements of the scientific and technical revolution the national economy will be reconstructed. People’s needs will be met more and more fully. The authorities will ensure an accelerated development of education and culture.

“The CPRF sees socialism as a society free of exploitation of man by man, based on public ownership and distributing life benefits in accordance with the quantity, quality and results of work. It is a society with a high labour productivity and effective production achieved through scientific planning and management, the use of science-intensive and resource-saving technologies. It is a society of genuine rule of the people and a developed culture that stimulates the creative activity of the individual and worker self-government. Man will be the main goal and factor of social development.

“As socialism develops the prerequisites emerge and mature for the emergence of communism, the historical future of humanity. It will be marked by a standard of social relations immeasurably higher than that under socialism. It will be a classless association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.”

The genius and scientific socialist nature of the KPRF’s program and praxis thus lies precisely in its correct appraisal, (albeit with the misjudgment of homosexuals discussed above) of the allies and coordinates for concentration which are available to be opportunely seized by the Party in order to effectively broaden and deepen the struggle for socialism in the Russian Federation. On this basis, the Party has developed a comprehensive and sensible program for socialism in Russia. Any and all accusations of “parliamentary social democracy” against the KPRF are not theses based on analysis, but are manifestations of the distortion of Leninist analysis and its inorganic copy-and-paste regurgitation out of context.

The international communist movement cannot tolerate ignorant, slanderous, baseless, and unwarranted denunciations of its comrades and organizations. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is experiencing increasing and meaningful success in leading Russian working people towards socialism in accordance with the path laid out in its program, and communists the world over should turn towards Russia and critically study, absorb, and observe the visible lessons of the Party’s work.

The Weekly Bolshevik has provided a glaring example of how communists should not approach the experience of the KPRF in particular, and the experiences of the current communist movement in general, and The Weekly Bolshevik and/or the author of Personal Observations on the Nature and Function of the Vanguard Party owe a genuine self-criticism. Slanders and copy-and-paste accusations of social democracy directed at fraternal parties a revolution does not make. After all, what credentials does The Weekly Bolshevik possess to damn the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which has done and is doing so much to advance the cause of socialism on one-sixth of the earth’s land?

Both the words of Mao Tsetung and an old Russian proverb bear notable prescience:

“Without investigation there cannot possibly be any right to speak. There are many people who make a hullabaloo, spout opinions, criticize this and condemn that; but, in fact, ten out of ten of them will meet with failure. For such views or criticisms, which are not based on thorough investigation, are nothing but ignorant twaddle.” – Mao Tsetung

Не зная броду, не суйся в воду – Not knowing the ford, don’t poke your nose into the water.

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